CHAPTER II
EARLY LIFE AND LITERARY EFFORTS
| To Fife belongs the honour of counting
among her Illustrious sons John Davidson, Reformer, Preacher
and Poet.1 He was born at Dunfermline about the year 1549. Nothing
is known of his parents except that they were in comfortable
circumstances, owning houses and lands which came in due course
into their son's possession, and were used by him in the interests
of the Church.2 There is nothing recorded of his boyhood, but
it is supposed, with considerable reason, that he was early
attracted to the ministry of the godly David Ferguson who held
the charge of Dunfermline and was one of the earliest ministers
of the Reformed Church. Through his influence young Davidson
gave himself to religion and to serious study. As Wodrow says,
he was singularly zealous, devoted to the perusal of the Scriptures
and divinity, and a serious seeker of God from his youth.3 He
could never forget his old minister and those early days, and
in later years when addressing the Synod of Fife he made this
interesting reference to them" I have scene from the beginning,
when the Frenchemen keeped the Abbey, before the Road of St.
Johnstoun and Cowper Moore, and saw the forces of the Papists
ryding to |
| 30 |
both against the Congregatioun but our brother and father there,
David Fergusone, was an actor, when I -.was but a spectator."
When he entered the University of St. Andrews in 15662 it was
natural that he should attach himself to the College of St.
Leonard's which, in contrast to St. Salvator's, had early accepted
the principles of the reformed faith,3 The well of St. Leonard's
was the fonntainhead of the Scottish Reformation" and those
who sat at the feet of the Reformers receiving the new teaching,
were said to have "drunk of St. Leonard's Well". From 1566 to
1570 this college had for its principal George Buchanan whose
fame brought to it a large increase in numbers, at the expense
of the rival colleges, although at the most those could not
compare with the crowds then attending continental universities.
It is greatly to be regretted that we have no account of Davidson's
undergraduate years, no note on the teaching of his distinguished
principal, no hint even of any friendship he formed. James Melville
entered Leonard's in I 569- and probably there began then association
and intimacy which were to last through life. Melville always
refers to him in warm and generous terms. In the University
records the name of John Davidson occurs amongst the Bachelors
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of 1569 and amongst the Masters of Arts
in 1570 He seems to have been appointed a Regent or master of
this college on the completion of his curriculum,2 continuing
to study privately in theology and philosophy.
Perhaps the greatest event in Davidson's life at St. Leonard's
and one which mightily influenced his career, was the Corning
of John Knox to St. Andrews in £571 Knox's last year of residence
there coincided with a part o Davidson's period as a teacher.
From July 1571 to August 1572 the venerable Reformer preached
every Sunday and taught the prophecies of Daniel, always applying
his text according to the time and state of the people ".3 James
Melville vividly describes the man-' that maist notable profet
and apostle of our nation to whom he and Davidson and Robert
Bruce who was still a student, would be inevitably drawn. He
ludgit down in the Abbay besyde our CoIlege,"4 we are told ;
that was the Novum Hospitium, built for the reception of Mary
of Guise, Queen of James V.5 It was very near to St. Leonard's
as tbe following striking passage from Melville shows Our regents
Mr. Nicol Dalgleise, Mr. Wilyeam Colace and Mr. Johne Davidsone,
went in ordinarilie to his grace (or devotional exercises) after
denner and soupper. . . . Mr. Knox wald sum tymes com in and
repose him in our Collage yeard and call us schollars unto him
and bless us, and |
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exhort us to knaw God and his wark in our
contrey and stand be the guid cause, to use our tyme weill,
and 1cm the guid instructiones, and follow the guid exemple
of our maisters." We can well believe that Davidson would readily
take to heart the aged Reformer's advice, and that he would
be as eager and interested a hearer as Melville himself when
Knox discoursed from the pulpit with that tremendous effect
which the diarist thus describes I haid my pen and my little
book, and tuk away sic things as I could comprehend. In the
opening upe of his text he was moderat the space of an halff
houre bot when he enterit to application, he maid me sa to grew
and tremble, that I could nocht hald a pen to wryt"
The General Assembly of March 6th, 1572, was held at St. Andrews,
partly at least for the convenience of Knox. It was the last
at which he was able to be present and probably the first attended
by Davidson and James Melville. The latter records that "thair
was motioned the making of bischopes to the quhilk Mr. Knox
opponit himselff directlie and zealuslie "'
-the first rumble of a coming battle, in which Davidson was
to take a great part. It may be said of him what Dr. A. F. Mitchell
remarks concerning Melville, that doubtless in that Assembly
there were implanted in the youthful mind the germs of those
Presbyterian principles which were retained by him to the last
with heroic tenacity.3
Knox soon afterwards returned to Edinburgh where he died a few
months later. Surely that last |
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year of his life spent among the students
of St. Andrews was the most beautiful and the most fruitful
of all. Upon young men like Davidson he had made an indelible
impression. His salutary advice, his fervent prayers, his great
sermons and his magnetic personality could never be forgotten.
We are not surprised at Molville's words, Our haill collage,
maisters and schollars, war sound and zelus for the guid cause."'
We ourselves can add that thence proceeded several of the men
who were to uphold it most resolutely in the evil days that
lay ahead.
Several literary efforts were made by Davidson while he was
regent at St. Leonard's and it is interesting that his first
production had an association with John Knox. For some time
after the Reformation play-going was not uncommon and, according
to M'Crie2 the writing of plays seems to have been an exercise
among the students at the University. Knox, so far from discouraging
it, evidently condescended sometimes to witness performances
in which the errors of the Church of Rome were exposed. When
he was residing in the Novum flospitium of the Abbey at St.
Andrews lie was present at the marriage of a minister named
John Colvin3 to one Janet Russel, where part of the entertainment
was a play written by Davidson. On the margin of his Diary,
James Melville had this note, This year, in the monethe of July,
Mr. Jhone Davidsone, an of our Regents, maid a play at the marriage
of Mr. Jhone Colvin quhilk I saw playit in |
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Mr. Knox presence ; wherein, according
to Mr. Knox doctrin, the Castle of Edinbruche was beseiged,
takin, and the Captan, with an or twa with him, hanged in efigie."'
Unfortunately the play has not been preservcd. The Captain who
is mentioned in it, was Kirkealdy of Grange2 and the performance
was an illustration of Knox's prophecy that his erstwhile friend
and later enemy would be hanged - a prophecy which was soon
fulfilled.
With the Reformation there came a decline in vernacular writing
for causes pointed out by Dr. Hay Fleming.3 For one thing Latin
had become the language of conversation in the colleges, and
students were encouraged in the cultivation of Latin verse.
Then there was also the increasing intercourse with England
in the latter part of the sixteenth century, which, with the
prospective accession of James the Sixth to the English throne,
brought the Scots nearer in language to their southern neighbours.
Yet many of the Reformers, though zealous for the revival of
the learned languages, were also anxious to preserve and, if
possible, refine their native tongue. David Ferguson the Dunfermline
minister whose sermon preached before the Regent and nobility
at Leith and afterwards published, is considered a good specimen
of Scottish composition,' earned for himself some distinction
In that direction. His success was celebrated by John Davidson
in some Latin lines which are prefixed to the sermon.3
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Davidson himself was skilled in the use
of the vernacular. He started in early manhood to express himself
in homely verse and the works we have now to consider, while
not ranking as great poetry, yet possess considerable merit.
Mr. T. F. Henderson 1 makes special mention of Davidson when
dealing with the Protestant verse writers of the later sixteenth
century, although he scathingly describes all the poetry of
the period as mostly political or ecclesiastical diatribes whose
style, wit, thought and argument were with-out exception, hopelessly
mediocre.
Davidson's first poem appeared in 1573. It is in praise of John
Knox and its full title runs thus-Ane Breif commendatioun of
Uprichtnes, in respect of the surenes of the same, to all that
walk in it, amplifyit chiefly be that notabill document of Goddis
michtie protectioun, in preserving his maist upricht servand,
and fervent Messinger of Christ's Evangell, Johne Knox. Set
furth in Inglis meter be M. Johne Davidsone, Regent in S, Leonard's
College. Quhairunto is addit in the end ane schort discurs of
the Estaitis quha hes caus to deploir the deith of this Excellent
servand of God. Psalm XXXVII. Mark the upricht man and behauld
the just, for the end of that man is peace. Imprentit at Sanctandrois
be Robert Lekprevik. Anno 1573."2
This poem is dedicated in words and sentiments of singular beauty
to Sir John Wishart of Fittarrow,3 a well-known Scottish judge
who became a member of the Privy Council and held many public
offices. He
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was a loyal friend of the Reformation
and he signed the letter which several noblemen sent to Knox
inviting him to return from Geneva to Scotland. The Reformer,
on coming as far as Dieppe, found his progress stayed owing
to news of the waning zeal of many of his Scottish friends.
He addressed to them letters of exhortation and sent private
epistles to Wishart and Erskine of Dun, on receipt of which,
these two called together the leaders of the reforming party
and urged them to immediate action. Consequently the "godly
band" or first covenant was signed on 3rd December 1557, by
which they pledged themselves to the destruction of the Roman
Catholic Church in Scotland and the maintenance of "the blessed
Word of God and His Congregation "'I
Davidson states, in the dedication, his purpose in composing
the poem. Contrasting the insecurity of all earthly things with
the" sure fortress and safeguard of uprightness ", he has been
moved to write by the miraculous and wonderful preservation
of Knox in the face of all his enemies, " conducted to ane maist
quyet, peaciabill and happy end, to the greit advancement of
Goddis glorie, and singulare comfort of his Kirk, and to the
confusioun of Sathan and discofort of all his wickit instrumetis."
That such a deliverance may not be forgotten, he has endeavoured
in this poem to make a memorial so simple that both learned
and unlearned may possess it. He does not regard himself as
qualified for such a task but he has undertaken it, first, out
of the gratitude of his own heart ; next, that others better
able may be induced
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to take up the theme and, most of all, that readers may be inspired
by the example of so zealous a servant of God as the great Reformer.
This small fruit of his labours Davidson offers to his honourable
friend Wishart, not that he regards it as a worthy performance
but because, first of all, it affords him an opportunity of
showing his gratitude for favours received. Besides he knows
Sir John to be a man who, from his earliest years, has favoured
such uprightness as the poem extols. Moreover, the noble Knight
has for long been a friend and lover of Knox, seeing in him
the virtues he would himself possess. Davidson concludes by
expressing the hope that his Honour will stand fast to the end
of his life in that uprightness which ho has hitherto shown
and which ever makes men pleasing to God and sure in this world.
And so he commits him to the protection and blessing of the
Almighty.
The poem is a rather curious one and is of interest chiefly
as an excellent specimen of the Scottish language and versification
of the period in which it appeared. It is also of value in delineating
the leading features of Knox's character, and the principal
events of his life are set forth in it by one personally acquainted
with him. Many of the rhymes and expressions seem crude and
sometimes even unintelligible, but one cannot fail to be impressed
with the fine vein of piety to be found throughout all the verses.
To show the style of writing and the author's enthusiasm for
his theme, the following lines may be quoted
For weill I wait that Scotland never bure,
In Scottis leid ane man mair Eloquent,
Into perswading also I am sure,
Was nane in Europe that was mair potent
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In Greik and Hebrew he was excellent,
And als in Latine toung his propernes,
Was tryit trym quhen scollers wer present
Bot thir wer nathing till his vprichtnes.
For fra the tyme that God anis did him call
To Dring thay joyfull newis vnto this land,
Quilk lies ilinminat baith greit and small
He maid na stop bot passit to fra hand,
Idolatric maist stoutly to ganestand
And chiefly that great Idoll of the Mes.
Howbeit maist michtie enemies he fand.
Zit schrinkit lie na quhit from vprichtnes.
In this poem Davidson reveals his great knowledge of Scripture
and history. White the majority of his illustrations of "uprichtness"
are, of course, from Knox's life, yet he makes considerable
use of incidents from the Bible' and also from Quintis Curtius
and other classical writers. There is one feature of his Biblical
references which is worthy of note before we leave the poem.
It has been pointed out by Professor James Moffatt2 that writers
of the later sixteenth century were interested almost exclusively
in the old Testament with its pictures of national life, but
Davidson, while for the most part following his contemporaries,
here makes the following allusions to the Gospels and the Acts
of the Apostles, not common in the literature of the day
Thay that walks vpriclitly with the Lord,
In greitest troublis wantis not inwart rest,
As the Apostillis doung (persecuted) for Godds word
Rejoysit that for Christ sa that were drest (treated)
Peter in prisone sleipit but molest (without disturbance),
Pant in the stocks and Sylas with glaidnes
Did sing ane Psalme at nidniclit, sa the best
Sureness (security) that man can hare, is vprichtnes.
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"The Brief Commendation" is accompanied by a shorter poem on
Knox's death as we have seen from its itle~" Ane Schort fllscurs
of the Estaitis quha hes caus to deploir the deith of this Excellent
servand of God." Here the author calls in turn upon " the Kirk
of God in Scotland scatterit far abrod ", the General Assembly,
the Kirk of Edinburgh, the Lords frequenting St. Cues, the town
of St. Andrews, as well as the people of Kyle and Cunningham~"
to quhome this darling was maist deir ", to lament the passing
of one who has meant so much to them. He adds a message to those
who have forsaken the good cause and assures them that Knox
ever wished them well, prayed that they might turn from their
folly, and was their friend even when thundering against the
shipwreck they were making. A few lines in Latin follow much
in the same strain and urging all to stand in the straight path
and not be ashamed to live after the manner of this great man.
The next literary venture made by Davidson belongs to the same
year as the "Brief Commendation ". This time, however, his theme
was a controversial one, which offended the Regent and in consequence
brought a great deal of trouble to himself. For a proper appreciation
of this poem, it Is necessary to look at its historical background.
On the day of Knox's death, James Douglas, Earl of Morton, became
Regent. Despite many defects of character, he proved himself
in course of time a very able ruler, caring for the public weal
and bringing peace to the land in a somewhat stormy period.1
Friend and foe alike bore witness to his ability and
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success, 1 and his elevation might have given satisfaction to
the Kirk-for he was strongly Protestant-had it not been for
other considerations which filled the minds of the ministers
with fear and misgiving. The Regent was not favourably disposed
to them; he dreaded their moral censures on his loose way of
living, and he had a strong antipathy to what he considered
their interference in political affairs. A strong believer in
the supremacy of the Crown over the Church, he was determined
to keep the preachers within bounds, and his treatment of them
was ruthless in the extreme. When they desired his presence
and counsel, he had no time to give them2 and when they became
persistent, he suggested that it would be well if some of them
were hanged. While decidedly anti-Papal, he was sympathetic
to Episcopacy and sought to bring the Scottish Church into conformity
with that of England.
Morton's chief sin, however, was avarice - equalled only by
his ambition and love of power, and to secure money for himself
or the government, he unscrupulously robbed rich and poor alike.
The preachers probably suffered most from his rapacity, for
it was their very livelihood which he took from them. In 1561an
arrangement had been made whereby the Crown and the Protestant
ministers were to share equally in one-third of the ancient
Church's property. The ministers, however, had found the agreement
far from being honourably observed and many of them were often
in sore straits. Morton pretended to find a remedy by collecting
the thirds
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himself and he promised that, in future, stipends would be promptly
and regularly paid. No sooner was the plan agreed to than it
was evident that the position was likely to be worse instead
of better. The Regent, declaring that the Church's portion was
inadequate to maintain a minister in every parish, obtained
an order of the Privy Council for uniting two, three, or four
churches under the care of one minister. That was done under
the guise of law and fairness, while Morton appropriated the
surplus stipends and even the overworked minister of four churches
was not always certain of getting his due.
It was not to be wondered at, that such an arrangement should
cause resentment among the ministers, for pluralities had always
been considered as one of the worse abuses in the Romish Church.
What followed may be regarded as but a minor battle in those
troubled times, but it had far-reaching effects not only for
Davidson but even for Morton himself In that connection the
young reformer made his first appearance in the public affairs
of the Kirk, and, as we shall see, not of his own seeking. In
a metrical dialogue of considerable length he condemned in somewhat
vigorous terms the evil of Morton's new order and the motives
by which it evidently was inspired. The title is, "Ane Dialog
or Mutuall talking betwix a Clerk and ane Courteour, Concerning
foure Parische till ane Minister, Collectit out of thair mouthis,
and put into verse by a young man quha did then foregather with
theme in his Jornay, as efter followis.''
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Davidson evidently had never intended this poem to become public
property. He had meant to show it only to one or two friends,
or, at most, present it to the next General Assembly. It was
printed, however, without his knowledge and its appearance caused
a great sensation. Morton was sore displeased and his wrath
fell first upon Lekprevik, the printer, whom he at once imprisoned
in Edinburgh Castle under the provisions of an act of 1551,
" against blasphemous rymes or tragedies.
Davidson was summoned to a Justice-air2 at Haddington to answer
for his book, was warded in Clerkington and afterwards brought
before the Regent and Council at Holyroodhouse.3 In the hope
that he might be persuaded to retract what he had written or
that the University or Assembly might condemn it, he was permitted,
meanwhile, to return to his work at St. Leonard's. The University,
occupied at the time with internal troubles and also rather
anxious to please the Court, decided to take no action. Mr.
John Rutherford, the Principal of St. Salvator's College, However,
wrote a metrical answer to "The Dialogue", of which we shall
hear in due place.
The next stage of the proceedings finds Davidson again before
the Regent and Council, with many of the nobility, at Holyrood
house. There, in answer to the Justice Clerk, he admitted the
authorship of the book and his sole responsibility for it, but
he denied the Clerk's assertion that there was anything in it
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" against the conclusion of princes . Morton was incensed by
the boldness of his words and called for his punishment, but
the hour was late and the meeting adjourned without decision,2
On the advice of the Abbot of Dunfermline, Davidson now decided
to wait the verdict of the Assembly. Therefore, in due course,
he laid the whole matter before his brethren, desiring them
to examine the book and if they found it" dissonant from the
Word of God, condemne it if consonant to the truthe, approve
it." He urged a speedy decision as he had pupils, noblemen's
sons, waiting for him at St. Andrews and who were defrauded
by his absence.
It seems strange that, after the University of St. Andrews having
declined so recently to consider the matter, its commissioners
should now complain of the trial being held before the Assembly,
whereby they declared the privilege of the University was prejudged.
A lively passage between their Bishop and Davidson, however,
left them in no doubt as to why he had sought the judgment of
the Kirk. " Mr. John," said the Bishop, " yeare in the wrong
to the University that seeks trial of your book here." ' I have
been3" said Mr. John, " as well kent to keep the priviledge
of the University as any other support of the same, and shall
be loath to hurt the priviledges thereof as any of you shall
be." " Why, then," asked the Bishop, " sute ye not before us
a trial? " " But here I see God worketh well," answered Davidson,
" that
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which ye did For my hurt, God hath turned to be a defence for
me this day when I sought your judgement ye denyed it, and when
we sought the priviledge of replegiation of the University from
the evill judgement, ye would not grant it to us. God be praised,
that makes you to be trapped in your own devices." The Moderator
enjoined silence and the Assembly thereafter ordered that Davidson
should produce his book and that Rutherford should also produce
the reply he had made to it. The Principal demurred and it was
only by the serious threats of the Assembly that he complied
with the deliverance. He acknowledged that he had written it
in order to be revenged on Davidson, who had, in his poem, made
a disrespectful allusion to him.' Davidson said that he had
named no man in his book, and he drew an admission from Rutherford
that never at any time had he written against him. Finally the
Principal involved himself in contradiction of his own words
by
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declaring that it was the manner and not the matter of the
poem, to which he was opposed. The majority of the Assembly
were in agreement with Davidson but they so feared the resentment
of Morton, they would " nather damne nor allow, but passed over
with silence ". The proceedings gave great offence to sortie,
especially of the more zealous sort and perhaps most of all,
to Robert Campbell of Kingzeancleuch, "the most zealous professor
of the Kirk of Scotland
in whose honour, a little later, Davidson wrote another of his
poems, which, however, was not published for more than twenty
years.' Disgusted with the Assembly's trifling the good man
said to Davidson, " Brother, looke for no answere heere God
hath taken away the hearts from men, that they darre not justifle
the truthe, least they displease the world ; therefore, cast
you for the nist best." So Davidson went borne with Campbell
at his cordial invitation but not without first seeking earnestly
the divine guidance as he was rather averse to flight lest thereby
he might discourage any of his brethren. Rather than do that,
as he said later, he would choose to suffer a hundred deaths
if it were possible. Efforts were made, through Kingzeancleuch,
by several leading persons, to persuade the Regent to drop the
matter, but Morton was adamant. Campbell, dying shortly afterwards,
urged the young reformer to seek safety abroad and assured him
that his wife would find him convoy to England where a certain
Mr. Gudman would help him to reach La Rochelle. He gave him
this farewell message - " Gird up your
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loins, and make to your journey, for ye have a battel to right,
and few to take your part but the Lord only who shall be sufficient
to you "' ; and referring to the recent Assembly, he added,
" A packe of traitours (meaning some ministers) have sold Christ
as manifestly as ever Judas did, and that to the Regent." 2
Davidson, however, lingered and proceedings against him now
advanced quickly. The Regent having failed to obtain the execution
of his wishes through University and Assembly, summoned Davidson
to" underly the law " on June 3rd. He was put to the horn "
on May 3rd and, after visiting St. Andrews and Edinburgh, he
passed to Ayr where he learned that, at Lord Boyd's intercession,
Morton had continued his date till June i7th. Evidently Boyd
was desirous, however, that Davidson should simpIy comply with
the Regent's condiflons,1 but that he declined to do. Seeing
that there was no hope of any further concession though noblemen,
ministers and sureties had made further solicitation; on the
advice of some of his friends and with consent of his sureties,
Davidson fled and they willingly paid the fine.4
"The prosecution of Davidson," says Dr. Thomas M'Crie, " does
little honour to the administration of Morton. There is nothing
in the book which could give ground of offence or alarm to any
good government. It is a temperate discussion of a measure
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which was at least controvertible. The reasons urged in its
support are candidly and fairly stated, and they are examined
and refuted in a fair and dispassionate manner. The evils which
the act of council was calculated to produce are indeed exposed
with faithfulness and spirit ; but without any thing disrespectful
to authority, or tending in the slightest degree to excite 'sedition
and uproar.'
It is now time to consider the poem itself. To begin with it
must not be regarded as a mere rhyme.~ Professor Masson refers
to it as " clever vernacular poetry ' 3 and M'Crie says, It
is superior to most of the fugitive pieces of the time. Without
any pretensions to fine poetry, the versification is easy and
smooth, and the conversation is carried on in a very natural
and spirited manner."4 As the title indicates, the poem is in
the form of a dialogue between a Clerk and a Courtier the representative
of the Kirk, however, has very much more to say than the representative
of the Court, and the latter is somewhat easily overcome by
the former. Their words are supposed to be reported by a young
man who has become their travelling companion on a journey.
The Courtier opens the conversation by venturing the opinion
that the Regent's new order " has given satisfaction to the
Church. He says
Bot this new order that is tane
Wes nocht maid be the Court allane
The Kirkis Commissionars wes thair
And did aggrie to los and Mlair
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The Clerk replies to this :
have thay condescendit,
I think olir speiking can nocht mend it
Bot ane thing I dar tak on me,
Gif as ye say the mater be
That they of Kirk thairto assentit
Thay sal be first that sail repent it.
-a prophecy which was fulfilled, for in 1575 and following years
the preachers regretted greatly the concessions which they had
made to Morton.
The Clerk brings three arguments against the Regent's order
", treating them with reason and spirit. These we shall now
indicate.
(I) The " order" prescribes burdens which are more than any
man can bear. It is impossible for a conscientious minister
to take the oversight of four churches when he finds one heavy
enough he cannot have any satisfactory knowledge of his people
and will be unable, either to comfort them in trial or reprove
them in evil doing. The Courtier sets up to this a feeble opposition,
instancing how St. Paul did not remain permanently at any one
Church, but the Clerk in reply shows conclusively that the circumstances
In the Apostle's time were quite different from those under
discussion now.
(2) The present age stands to be defrauded of the Word of Life.
Many people accustomed to hear preaching every Lord's Day are
now to enjoy it only once in fonr weeks. It may be said (as
the Courtier points out) that some churches have been without
any preaching for years, but that is no justification for reducing
the spiritual food of others. It is a divine law, that once
in seven days at least, the soul must
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have such nourishment, and those who experience spiritual hunger,
long for it.
(3) Posterity, too, will be deprived of the Word in public places,
for there can be no lasting ministry where there is no secure
living. If the "order" succeeds, the preachers will have no
law to prove that they are entitled to any stipends whatsoever.
The thirds ought to be theirs without deduction-their "awin
just patrimony"- but in future they will be dependent upon the
goodwill of those in authority for any pensions they may enjoy,
and these may be withdrawn if their preaching offends. Further,
there will be no likelihood of increasing the number of preachers
under this new plan, for posterity will be told that they ought
to be content with one minister to four churches, as were their
fathers. Besides these objections, there is stated in the poem
a remedy for the weakness of the Church. That will come by finding
more preachers-a matter which constitutes no difficulty if decent
livings are provided. Let those, therefore, who divert the teinds
from their rightful purpose into other channels, restore these
to the Kirk and men will be forthcoming for the ministry, not
only through the colleges but also from other lands.
Doubtless such plain speaking, especially with regard to the
monetary question, which was really the crux of the whole matter-called
forth Morton's strong resentment. Not altogether at his door,
however, does Davidson set the blame. Toward the close of the
Dialogue, he shows his displeasure with the conduct of the majority
of the ministers also, I and
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wishes that Knox had lived a little longer to denounce such
shameful doings.
Forsuitli, Schir Csaid the Courteour)
I am assurit had ilk Preichour
Unto tile mater bene als frak
As ye have bene heir Sen ye spak
It had not cum to sic ane heid
As this flay we Se it proceid.
Bot I can Se few men amang thame,
Thocht all the wand snid clene ourgang thame,
That hes ane face to speik agane
Sic as the Kirk of Christ prophane
Had gude John Knox not yit bene deid,
It had not cum unto this heid
Had thay myntit till sic ane steir,
He had maid hevin and eirtli to heir.
From 1574, when he had to flee for having written the Dialogue,
Davidson was an exile from his native land for a period of
at least three years. It is difficult to arrive at the exact
time of his return, but the General Assembly in October 1577
made a strong plea to Morton on his behalf which probably
led to Ms homecoming soon thereafter.1 Wodrow and M'Crie,
strangely enough, have both made the mistake of placing his
return after the death of Morton2 and of that we have ready
proof. James Melville tells us that the fallen Regent before
his execution was visited by Dune and Davidson from whom he
craved pardon for his harsh treatment of them, the an for
his pretching, the other for his buik against the four Kirks
".3 The affecting scene is also described by
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Hume of Godscroft who adds that, at the interview the condemned
man took Davidson in his arms and said Yee wrote a little booke
indeid but truelie I meant never evill towards you in my pairt
forgive yee me and I forgive you."1 Davidson, we are told, was
moved to tears.
We are able to tell with some certainty how the young exile
spent at least part of the period of his absence from home.
From Argyle, where he remained for a time and where he wrote
a letter of admonition and warning to the Regent,~ he passed
to England and later to the Continent. He visited Switzerland
and studied, probably for one session only, at the University
of Basle. His name appears on the list of those who matriculated
there in 1575, but as he took no degree, it may be inferred
that he did not remain very long.3 In the matricula " of the
University, however, he is stated to have paid a fee of ten
solidi and ten denari, which is more than the ordinary fee of
six solidi and seems to point to a more elevated station than
that of the common student.4
A minor incident serves to show that wherever he went, Davidson
attracted a certain amount of notice and that he was already
in touch with the like-minded in England. When, in '577, the
English Merchant Adventurers at Antwerp expressed a desire to
have a chaplain, William Davison, queen Elizabeth's
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ambassador in the Low Countries and a good friend of tlie Reformed
religion, applied for help to Laurence Tomson, Walsingham's
Puritan secretary. Tomson in his letter of reply promised what
assistance he could to secure the scrvices of one William Charke,
whom the merchants had already approached, but, failing him,
he was prepared, he said, to recommend a Scottish preacher of
the same name as the ambassador. Quite evidently this was the
exiled John Davidson.! His name, however, is not mentioned in
that connection again, although Charke was not appointed. Probably
such an English chaplaincy held no attraction for so decided
a Scot or he had returned to Scotland ere the matter was finally
settled. At any rate we know that the ardent young reformer
was destined for higher and more important tasks. |
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