CHAPTER IX
LATER PUBLICATIONS
(A) POEM ON TWO WORTHY CHRISTIANS
IT may seem remarkable that all Davidson's
poetical efforts were made before he entered upon his ministry,
hut it has to be remembered that he never claimed to be a poet
in the ordinary sense of the word. His cifusions were the outcome
of strong feeling on themes which stirred his youthful mind-a
wrong done to the Kirk, the death of Knox, who was the greatest
inspiration of his life, the loss of a noble couple who had
befriended him in difficult days. During his ministerial career
he was too much a man of affairs to be concerned about poetry
and in this he differed from a contemporary like Hume or a predecessor
like Sir David Lindsay. His lot was cast largely amid the Church's
battles, and the arena of ecclesiastical controversy does not
usually provide either a setting or an atmosphere for the cultivation
of the muse. Seldom is the ecclesiastic also a poet.
Thus it was that the poem we have now to consider was written
in the year r574 when its author was still a teacher at St.
Andrews and when his only literary effort of public interest
was his Dialogue " against the Regent Morton, printed in the
previous year. For the tong period of twenty-one years the copy
lay among Davidson's papers till a chance reading of it to Some
friends led to an urgent appeal for its |
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publication. It is much inferior to his other poems and is of
interest, not for any literary merit, but for the information
it contains concerning the two people whom it commemorates and
also for some facts relating to the history of the times. Its
full title is "A Memorial of the Life and Death of Two Worthy
Christians, Robert Campbel of the Kyneancleugh, and his wife
Elizabeth Campbell. In English Meter. Edinburgh: Printed by
Robert Waldegrave, printer to the King's Maiestie 1595. Cum
privilegio Regali."
Robert Campbell was a member of the house of Loudoun and it
has been conjectured that he was a grandson of Sir George Campbell
of Loudoun, founder of that family, who was living in 1489.
The date of his birth is unknown' but he died on April 22nd,
1574, and we have seen that, at his death, he was employed in
protecting Davidson from the wrath of Morton. His wife survived
him only two months, passing away in the June following. As
his only son had predeceased him, his only daughter, Elizabeth,
succeeded to the estate, which it is believed was In possession
of the family till I y86 when it was sold to Claud Alexander
of Ballochmyle.
Davidson dedicated his memorial poem to Elizabeth Campbell,
his deare sister in Christ In a beautiful letter breathing the
finest courtesy and sincere affection. He informed her of how
long he had kept the manuscript beside him and how its publication
was now due to the desire of friends who believed that it would
mean " the stirring up of the
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zeale of God's people amongst us which
now beginneth almost to be quenched in all estates none excepted.
When we remember that this was in 1595 we see that Davidson
had a real prescience of what was about to happen to the Church
of Scotland-that stormy period in which he played so prominent
a part. He quoted Knox whose words were proving true, " That
as the Gospel entred among us, and was received wiffi fervencie
and heat so he feared it should decay and lose the former
bowtie through coldness and loathsomeness, howbeit it should
not utterly be overthrown in [Scotland] til the comming of
the Lord Jesus to judgment, in spite of Sathan and malice
of a' his slaves." He also cited George Wishart as having
prophesied the victory of the truth in Scotland and yet as
having warned the people that if they became unthankful for
the great light and liberty of the Gospel terrible plagues
would follow.
Davidson had tong been unwilling, he said, to print the poem
because of the simple form in which it was written. Yet he
had regarded that form as suitable for the moving of the people
to emulate the excellent Christians whom he had commemorated.
Now he yielded to his friends' request in the hope that its
publication would tend to profit, committing the issue to
God Who sometimes benefits His Church by base means according
to His good pleasure. He was also encouraged by a saying of
Gregory Nazianzen concerning Basil the Great to the effect
that it is a thing of most dutifull affection to commend the
memory of holy persones that are departed, especially of such
as have been of most excellent virtues, whether it be by friends
or strangers". Evidently Elizabeth
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Campbell was not without some shadow upon
her life, for Davidson, in expressing the hope that she might
profit from a perusal of the poem and be confirmed by the worthy
example of her Parents in Christianity, prayed that the Lord
would strengthen her to bear "your crosse, your master's loving
badge, given you no doubt for your profite". He concluded with
this sentence of Basil. " Take heade to your selfe that ye may
take head to God " and signed himself Your assured Friend in
Christ, J.D."
It will be well at this stage, to make mention of the interesting
historical allusions found in an early part of this long poem.
The lines containing them are quoted in full by M'Crie in a
note to his Lzft of Melville,' dealing with "Ante-Reformation
in Scotland ", and they indicate how far, even in those early
days, the influence of the Scriptures was beginning to be felt.
After making mention of some zealous people who had, even then,
procured by some means or other, copies of the New Testament
in the vulgar tongue, he adds that some particulars respecting
pre-Reformation witnesses are to be found in Davidson s rare
" poem on the two worthy Christians.
Davidson, in those lines refers somewhat loosely to a very interesting
story which had been told to James V concerning his Majesty's
father In a work by a cunning Scottish Clark, called Alisius
".~ The story3 was to the effect that John Campbell,
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Laird of Cesnok (of which house Kinzeancletigh3s
wife was descended') was in the habit of having the priest
in his household read regularly to him and his family the
New Testament in their vernacular language. Being of a kindly
disposition, and to show his impartiality he permitted a number
of monks as well as others to dwell in his hospitable abode.
These monks, however, took unfair advantage of his kindness,
violated the laws of hospitality and preferred a charge of
heresy against him before the Bishop. In great danger of his
own and his wife's life,2 Campbell appealed to King James
IV who determined to hear the case himself on both sides.
When the trial came on, the husband was so modest and shy
that he could scarcely make his defence, whereupon the King
commanded the wife to plead. This she did so effectively and
convincingly, quoting the Scriptures and ably refuting alt
the charges, that his Majesty not only acquitted the worthy
couple but came down and caressed the lady, extolling her
diligence in Christian doctrine. Then he reproved the monks
and threatened them with severe punishment if they ever troubled
these honourable persons again, while to the Laird he presented
certain villages in token of his goodwill.
In his reference to this story Davidson appears to confound
father and son, for he says that the incident happened eighty
years sensyne and mare".
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he was writing in r574 and evidently
did not alter this when he printed the poem in '595, that
would date it round about '494, in which year an earlier member
of the same family, George Campbell of Cesnok was, with several
other Lollards of distinction, prosecuted before the Archbishop
of Glasgow for certain new opinions " and reprimanded.1 The
incident related above must have taken place at a later date
but not after 1533, in which year James IV died. Calderwood2
made the same mistake in connecting the incidents related
by Alesius and Davidson with the prosecution of r494, and
he apparently thought that Knox was In error in giving George
as Campbell's Christian name. Knox, however, has the support
of the record evidence and unless Alesius wrote John in error,
the occasions must have been different. This view is strengthened
by Knox s emphasizing the part played by Reid of Barskimming,
and ignoring Campbell's wife who according to Alesius behaved
so nobly. Davidson says,
This story I could not passe by
Being so well worth memory
Whereby most clearlie we may see
How that the Papists loudly lie
Who our religion so oh cald
A faith but of fiftie yecre ald
He then indicates even greater evidence to prove that for
"mair than thrice fiftie" years the Protestant faith had been
known in Scotland-
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As by the stone ye may knaw
Of Resby-not before Paul Craw
The thousand yeare four li~drethe five
In Perth while Husse' was yet alive.
It will here be seen that the author makes reference to some
of the best known pre-Reformation heroes. James Resby2 has
been described as an English Presbyter of the Wiclif school.
He was accused as a heretic and burned at Perth for declaring
that the Pope was not defacto the vicar of Christ and that
no one is Pope or Christ's vicar unless he is holy. Davidson
is mistaken in the date of Resby's martyrdoms which took place
not in 1405 but in i4o7.~ Paul Craw or Crawar was a native
of Bohemia, said to have been sent to Scotland by the heretics
of Prague with the purpose of infecting the realm ". He seems
to have been well versed in the Scriptures and other sacred
literature, and he maintained and defended the doctrines of
the Pragites and of the followers of Wiclif with wonderful
courage. He was burned for his faith at St. Andrews in 1433
The good man whose splendid qualities are extolled in this
poem was a stout champion of the Reformed faith in Scotland
and a close and much esteemed friend of John Knox. He was
one of the three brethren who sat in turn by the Reformer
s death-bed5 and it was to him, the nearest and dearest of
them, Knox committed the care of his wife and children when
the end drew near. I rely on your
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becoming to them ", he said, " as a husband
and a father in my room. " We have already seen how angry
he was over the Assembly's vacillating behaviour with regard
to Davidson in 1574,2 how he befriended the young man, taking
him to his home, protecting him and showing him the utmost
kindness and consideration. Another outstanding example of
his kind-heartedness, with which was combined true Protestant
zeal, is referred to briefly in the memorial lines but is
more fully related in a prefatory notice to the poem in Maidment's
edition of Davidson's Poetical Remains. The story is taken
from the Analeda3 of Robert Wodrow and is to the following
effect. Robert Campbell who was on friendly terms with the
Regent Moray informed his Grace on the morning before the
battle of Langside that he was well persuaded that the queen's
party would be defeated. The matter had given him grave concern,
knowing as he did that the whole Reformation depended upon
it and that victory to the Queen would mean Popery again for
Scotland. He had arrived at his happy assurance, he said,
not from probabilities or outward appearances, which were
none too promising, but from deep concern in prayer for divine
interposition. Re was convinced that God had heard the prayers
of all earnest Protestants deeply concerned about their religion.
Under this expectation of victory he begged a favour from
the Regent. The estates of the Queen's adherents would be
forefaulted after the battle and given to the victors, and
in that case he desired that there might be given to him the
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estate of the Sheriff of Ayr a young friend of his own, though
on the contrary side. His Grace, expressing the hope that he
might be right in his prediction, granted him the request on
that understanding. When Kinzeancleugh had received the promise,
he intimated his intention of returning the estate to its owner
who, he said, was but a youth " bred in ignorance and drawn
away by ill company". He hoped to win to the Regent and the
Reformation, by soft measures, this man who was really of good
temper and excellent disposition and who might yet prove serviceable
to the Protestant cause in the West. " All which came directly
to pass," adds Wodrow. " The battle was gained many were fore
faulted, and the Sheriff of Ayr's estates given to Kinzeancleugh,
and he gave it back, and brought him to be a firm and useful
Protestant."
It is good that the virtues of a man like Robert Campbell have
not been left unrecorded and unsung, for surely he was one of
the greatest laymen of the early Reformed Church in Scotland.
"Like the heroes of primeval times ", it has been said, "such
as Wallace and Bruce, not to speak of Hector and Achilles, he
has had his deeds embalmed in rhyme, which if not lofty, is
at least laudatory."' Since poets in all times, like Homer and
Seneca, Virgil and Ovid and many others, have celebrated men
of vertuous deid ",and have taken great pains to praise others
for vain and earthly things that bring small or no true comfort,
Davidson feels himself constrained to deal with a higher theme.
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Why should we not with all our might
Write in thir dais of so great light#
Of faithful godly men and wise.
Who for the truth durst interprise
To hazard at the Lord's command,
All that they had, both life and land.
Such a work, we are informed, ought to be undertaken not to
flatter the flesh but to give God the glory. It is hoped,
too, that posterity may note from what has been written, that
their fathers delighted in the ways of light and not in the
blindness and idolatry of Papistry. The true religion will
be vindicated in face of all the lies of Romish chroniclers
by noble living on the part of those who profess the truth
of Christ. The virtues of the good Regent, of John Knox that
valyant Conqueror" and of many more, the author says he will
passover, since these have been celebrated by other writers.
He hastens to extol the goodness of Kinzeancleugh and his
faithful wife.
Sic twa I knowe not where to finde
In all Scoiland left them behinde
Of sa great faith and cliaritie.
With mutnall love and amitie
That I wat an mair heavenly life
Was never betweene man and wife.
Although there is no attempt at anything like arrangement
in the poem, it may be said that there are three main divisions
of the subject. These may be set forth thus-(I) The singular
zeal and activity of Campbell in the early days of the Reformation,
(2) The constant sympathy and unselfish assistance of his
wife in all his doings. (3) His personal piety, beauty of
character and domestic felicity. We shall look at these in
turn.
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(i) In the days when it often meant obloquy and sacrifice
to stand on the side of the reformed religion, Robert Campbell
was a great encourager of the preachers, whom he generously
entertained and whose every need he sought to supply. Everywhere
he was eager to have the Mass overthrown and the Gospel proclaimed.
Sa privatelic in his lodgeing
He had baith prayers and preaching
To tell his friends he na whit dred,
How they had lang bene blindlins led
By staveling Papisis, Monks and Friers,
And be the Paipe these many yeares
When some Barrones, neere band him by,
And Noble inen he did espie,
Of auld who had the truth profest
To tlicm he ~icllie him addrest
And in exhorting was not slak,
What consolation tliey would tak,
How orderlic they might ~ppresse
In their owne bounds that Idole messe
In place thereof some preaching plant,
To quhilk some noble men did grant.
It will here be seen that he was instrumental in getting men
to preach the Gospel throughout the country. These found it
necessary to declare before the Queen and Council that what
they aimed at was no alteration in affairs of State but simply
the reformation of religion, that Papistrie being supprest,
Christ might be preached East and West". In all the upheaval
of the Reformation days, Campbell showed boundless enthusiasm
while preserving Christian consideration toward his enemies.
His journeys near and far in the interests of the cause were
incessant, and Davidson
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has not failed to do justice to such disinterested zeal and
energy
Then Robert like a busie Bie,
Did ride the post in all Countrie
Baith North and South, baith East and West
To all that the gude cause profest
Through Angus, Fyfe, and Lawtliainc,
Late journies had he many one
By night he wouId passe forth of Kyle,
And ship in shortly to Argyle
Syne to Stratherne and to all parts
Where he knew godly zeaIous harts
Exhorting them for to be stoute,
And of the matter have no doubt
For although, said he, we be few,
Having our God we are anew.
Campbell spared no expense and took no end of trouble for
the libertie of Christ's Kirk and the Gospell ". None did
more than he to bring the godly together in a strong band
for the resistance of error. Re was ever ready to risk even
his life for the good Cause and both in Congregation and General
Assembly his counsel was greatly valued. He was famed for
his sincerity and earnestness, particularly as he was absolutely
free from anything in the nature of self-interest. That was
in striking contrast to the majority of the nobles who held
firmly to the tiends which really belonged to the Church.
Those of Ochiltree which were in the possession of Kinzeancleugh,
he handed over most willingly, thus providing an example for
others, which, however, they were in no hurry to follow. (2)
The lady comes in for a large share of Davidson's praise.
In reading the lines concerning her, one is reminded of the
description of the virtuous
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woman in the Book of Proverbs. She was,
quite evidently, no ordinary person. Toward the close of the
poem her private virtues arc praised her godliness and honesty,
her knowledge of the Scriptures and her delightful way of speaking
about them to others, her love for the society of none but godly
people, and her wisdom and providence in the affairs of her
own household. Kinzeancleugh was fortunate in having a wife
so utterly at one with him in all his enterprises. She encouraged
him in his frequent expeditions in the interest of religion,
never complained of his long absences from home and, unlike
the wives of some others, never grudged the expenses he incurred.
In describing the ungracious reception which the husband of
one of these thrifty dames received at his home-coming, the
poet informs us of tlie arrival in Scotland of a singular female
colony, whose race, it is hoped, is now extinct among us; although,
perhaps, some acute and keen-set antiquary may be able still
to track them, and stoically fearless of a rebegeaster '~r to
point out some descendants of these Norwegian Amazons."
that balefull band
That Sathan hes sent heir away,
With the black ficete of Norroway
Of Whome ane with her Tygers tong
Had able met him with a rong
And reaked him a rebegeastor
Calling kirn many warids weastor.
Campbell's wife was of a very different type. So far from murmuring
she gave a glad consent to whatever
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her husband deemed right, rejoicing that he had the zeal to
take so great a part in the interests of Chust's Kirk.
(3) It was to the honour of Robert Campbell that he was best
loved where he was best known. Davidson gives us a pleasing
picture of the man at home on his estate. He was most liberal
and kind to all in need, continnally offering to many, a safe
lodging and ample food. Nor did he forget their souls, for nightly
after supper, he called them to the hall to be examined " of
Lord's Prayer and Beleefe and ten Commandments ", and every
Sabbath his servants had to give similar reckoning " of chiefe
heades of Religion ". It was such sincerity and earnestness
proceeding from true faith, which impressed John Knox, with
whom he became so familiar and whose trusty friend he remained,
often through much adversity, to the very end.
Though a great champion of the Reformation whose courage did
not fail even in time of war, Campbell was, nevertheless, the
most peaceable of men. He possessed a singular gift for settling
the disputes of his neighbours and advising both rich and poor
in their affairs and so wise was his judgment and so obvious
his uprightness that even Papists were to be found among those
who sought his aid. His kindness of heart came out specially
in his treatment of his tenants. He never pressed them for payment
of rent but was prepared to take it whenever they felt 4b1C.
None were ever asked to remove, except for downright wrongdoing
and contempt of God's truth. And so the folks on the estate
lived most happily, all striving to please a master who was
so deeply interested in their welfare.
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Like his zeal for the cause of religion,
this consideration for his dependants and tenants was shared
by Campbell's godly wife. Their home was ideal in its wedded
love and Christian piety. Davidson could write of that from
personal experience, for in the time of his suffering in 1574,
on retiring with Kinzeancleugh to the West, there he saw suche
a guide example of picture and holie exercise3 in his familie,
that he thought all his lyfe-time before but a profane passing
of the time".
Davidson relates at some length and with much moralizing the
circumstances of Campbell's death. The young Sheriff of Ayr
had requested his honoured kinsman to ride with him to Rusco,
the seat of the Laird of Lochinvar, to advise upon some business.
Davidson was included in the company. On the morning after
their arnval-Easter-day~Campbell became very ill, and, despite
all the attentions of his friends and those of his wife hastily
summoned from her home, he passed away some days later. Although
Davidson tells how at the sick man 5 request he read to him
the whole Psalmes twise oner in prose and records some of
his last sayings, he does not appear to have been with his
friend and benefactor at the end, his own affairs having necessitated
an even earlier separation.2 Kinzeancleugh had seen God's
just Judgements " approaching fast to his country and he had
also a vision of heavenly bliss, so he was not sorry,
-though according to Davidson not more than forty-three years
of age-to follow his friend John Knox into the unseen. His
body was borne in a litter
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to Mauchime and buried (where his wife
was also laid, less than two months later, as has already been
stated) amid universal lamentation.
As was not seene in Kyle before,
This hundreth yeares and many more.
(B) DAVIDSON'S CATECHISM
GROWING distress over the ignorance of so many of their people
in the rudiments of religion, and also the pressing necessity
of finding suitable instruction for the young, led the Reformers
to set forth the truths which they desired to teach, in catechisms
which form a most illuminating study. They saw that where commentaries
and more elaborate works failed, their end would be served by
the sirriple method of question and answer. Truth would thus
conic in even at lowly doors and the intellect would be quickened
as well as the heart touched and the conscience awakened.
The earliest and best-known of these catechisms were those by
Luther and Calvin and also the Palatine or Heidelberg Catechism,
an English translation of which appeared at Edinburgh in 1591
and which claimed on the title-page to be now authorized by
the King's Majestic for the Use of Scotland".' In the sixteenth
century catechisms multiplied quickly, however, as the Reformers
were keen upon instructing their people, convinced that therein
lay both their duty and their safety. Calvin's work seems to
have been the inspiration and basis of most of these. |
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The first Catechism in the language of
the people sued by the Reformed Church of Scotland3 w produced
by John Craig' in 1581. It was prepare simply for his own
congregation at Aberdeen, but soon became very popular throughout
the county Ten years later a smaller publication~ by the San
author for use before communion received the approval of the
General Assembly.
It was not till the closing years of his
ministry Prestonpans, amid growing infirmity and enforced
absence from the public affairs of the Church, is John Davidson
added one more to the Catechisms the Reformation, those precious
works of which has been justly said-" Our Scottish catechizer
though grey with the antiquity of three centuries, a: not
yet out of date. They still read well, both as style and substance;
it would be hard to amend the: or to substitute something
better in their place. Lie some of our old church bells, they
have retained fl centuries their sweetness and amplitude of
tor unimpaired."4 It is not improbable that Davidson had attempted
something in the nature of a catechism some yea earlier. In
the Life of Archbishop WhitgzftS there is short account of
a " quarrel " which cvident. originated with Martin Marprelat
over a sma Catechism of two sheets of paper, " made by or
Davidson, an obscure person " and printed by
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Waldegrave in 1587. It seems that when
that work was brought to the Archbishop to be licensed for
the press, its examination was entrusted to his chaplain,
a certain Dr. Wood. That gentleman objected to Salvation being
attributed, as the Author had it, to the Word preached and
so would not have it printed. His reason, he said, was to
have the work of Man's Salvation ascribed to the Word Read
(that is, as as preached). The paper is then briefly dismissed
with this comment-" Some Party Pamphlet belike it was, like
to that busy and unlearned Scot, then termed to be the Author
thereof'
Wodrow' confesses that he does not know
what to make of this passage of Stripe. The information which
he himself has provided concerning Davidson, he regards as
a proof that the Reformer was neither so obscure nor so unlearned
as some English writers would have us believe. This Catechism,
he is convinced, was quite another thing from the Catechism
which Davidson printed fifteen years later, and he conjectures
that it was possibly a short work drawn up by him when in
England for the use of some religious family where he had
been kindly entertained. After his return to Scotland in 1585,
it may have been printed, probably without his knowledge.
Wodrow further remarks that, ifit was fact that the Bishop's
chaplain blotted out the word "preached", meaning that the
word preached was not a means of salvation, it was contrary
to many passages in ~e New Testament. If his meaning was not
to deny that power to preaching but to take in the word "
read" it would have been much better for the Doctor to have
added
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and read "-an emendation to which neither Mr. Davidson nor any
Puritan would have had the slightest objection.
Davidson's Catechism is his chief publication in prose and it
appeared in 1602. Its full title is "Some Helpes for Young Schollers
in Christianity, as they are 'n use and taught, partly at the
Examination before the Commumon ; and partly in the ordinarie
Catechisme every Sabbath-day in the New Kirk of SaIt-Preston.-Edinburgh,
Printed by Robert Waldegrave, Printer to the King's Maiesty.
1602. Curn Privilegio Regio."
The Opening paragraph is a short address to the reader who is
forewarned of repetitions seemingly "tedious and superfluous"
to be met with in the work. The author pleads as his justification
for these, that he is dealing with rude beginners, and repetition
is needful for those who are young in knowledge or rather ignorant.
There follows a brief dedication to his people, simple and beautiful,
in these words-" To his loving flock of Salt-Prestoun who by
the preaching of the Gospel, beleeve and turne to the Lorde.
John Davidson, wisheth increase of Faith and Repentance, with
constancies therein, to the end and in the end. Amen." He then
refers to the doctrine he had preached since his settlement
in their midst and he recalls, as we saw in a former chapter,
the themes on which he had discoursed when he first appeared
before them on November i6th, 1595. After outlining what was
the burden of his message and the points in his teaching, he
concludes thus-" For the better keeping in memorie whereof I
have thought
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good to put them in writ in divers formes, and set them to printing
for your use as ye see, that nothing bee wanting that may further
the sounde grounding of you, according to your meane capacitie,
in the true Christian religion, so farre as in me lyeth. Where-fore
it rests, that yee bee not slouthful in exercising your selves
and your families in reading, learning and practising heerof"
Several very apt passages of Scripture follow. Davidson had
a singular facility in supporting all that he had to say with
suitable portions of God's Word. It is interesting to note that
in his Catechism he uses the translation of the Bishop's Bible
and not the Geneva version which the Scottish ministers generally
made use of at that time.
The Catechism proper, as its title indicates, is divided into
two parts. The first, which is by far the longer, was meant
specially for those in preparation for Communion. It is described
as The Forme of familiar instruction and examination of rudet
people, entring to be disciples in the schoole of Christ." Reference
is made by Davidson to a short service of Prayer and exhortation
which the minister had with intending communicants. This must
have taken place previous to another service at which they would
be formally admitted-like the brief service of admission of"
Young Communicants" to full communion so common in the Scottish
Churches to-day. The demands which Davidson made of those young
people,
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echo those of the Book of Discipline-that
they must be able Ca to say the Lord's Prayer, the Articles
of the Belief and declare the sum of the Law".' The essence
of all doctrine he states thus simply "that all what would have
rest to their saules and life eternal', must only come to Christ
Jesus, the sonne of God and to none other." The state of man
and the way of salvation is set down under four points- (i)
Our miserable estate by nature and the cause thereof. (2) Our
redemption and the cause thereof (3) Our assurance of this redemption
and salvation, with the cause and means thereofl (4) Our duty
resulting from our being saved or assured of salvation. Each
section begins with a careful and full statement on the particular
doctrine, by way of introduction to the series of questions
and answers on the same. Thus, (i) "As concerning our condition
by nature we arc children of disobedience, that is altogether
given to rebellion against God and his Word and so are plaine
rebelles to God," etc. (~) " Our help and safety is only from
the Lord our God who hath made both the heaven and the earth
who said, I am the Lord and beside nice there is no Saviour.
For our salvation commeth not of nature but of grace," etc.
(~) " Meanes is there nane that properly joyneth us with Christ,
but only Faith, whilk is ane hearty receiving of Christ crucified
and risen againe our alone and sufficient Saviour," etc. (4)
Being in Christ we must be newe creatures, not in substance,
but in qualities and disposition of our mindes, and change of
the actions of our lives . we must deny ungodliness and waridly
lustes and must live
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soberly and righteously and godly in this
present wand," etc.
The second part of this Catechism covers the same ground as
the first but only by question and answer, and it is in much
shorter form. It was used week by week at the ordinary services
of the Church. In a brief introduction Davidson shows, that
by taking a portion every Sabbath, the principles of religion
were gone through in the course of a month. He also explains
his method. After ' the reading of an appropriate Scripture
lesson, two children would stand up, one asking the questions
and the other supplying the answers. Then the minister would
ask a few questions either of man or child on some principal
things after sik easie manner as I thinke his capacity is able
to understand : whair of (praised be God) baith I, and the party
answering, niany times receaves comfort, and the Kirk edification."
Davidson made it clear that his Catechism was not intended to
be anything more than a guide for the edification of his own
people.2 It seems, however that when the Provincial Assembly
of Lothian gave it their apprnbatidn,3 it was destined for a
much greater usefulness. Both the author and the work deserved
a wider constituency. For John Davidson was a typical representative
of the Evangelical |
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Protestant divines of Our Scottish Reformation
epoch and perhaps the best monument that remains to tell of
the faith that was in him is just his Catechism. This little
work had such an abiding influence that the memory of it was
still fresh a full century after the writer's death. Both
he and it held such a place in the esteem of the divines of
the post-Reformation era that in Thomas Boston's notes1 on
The Marrow of Modern Divinity the Catechism is quoted no fewer
than eleven times. Now, there were few documents that exercised
a more definite influence on the thinking of the Evangelical
School during the eighteenth century and particularly in the
Secession Churches than those notes of Thomas Boston's. Thus
indirectly or mediately Davidson's influence continued to
tell on the life of his most devout country-men for full two
hundred years.
What specially served along this line to preserve his influence
was his statement of the doctrine of Faith the central and
most important part of his Catechism. The definition which
he gave of this saving grace was presented in alternate forms
a hearty assurance of forgiveness or a hearty receiving of
Christ ". The variation of these forms Is significant they
are not strictly equivalent. His first statement is in full
keeping with the unabated assurance doctrine that was common
to the first Reformers.2 The variant definition is in keeping
with the modified and more carefully stated Reformed doctrine
as that
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| is set forth in the Westminster Confession
of Faith which expressly discriminates between the faith which
receives Christ and the assurance of personal salvanon.' In
both he takes the ground of the Church of Scotland that regeneratioun
is wrocht be the power of the Holie Gost working in the hartes
of the elect 0£ God '~2 Faith and the assurance of it do not
proceed from natural powers with us but in His inspiration.
The writer of a pamphlet on the Marrow Controversy,3 who refers
to Davidson as the once burning and shining light of this Church",
after stating the two definitions of faith as set Forth in the
Catechism adds Yet, in a former part of the same Catechism,
he gives us to understand what sort of assurance and persuasion
it was he meant, as follows And certain it is 'says he, that
both the In lightning of the Mind to acknowledge the Truth of
the Promise of Salvation to us in Christ ; and the sealing up
of the certainty heroin our Hearts and Minds (of the whelk Two
Parts, as it were, Faith consists) arc the works and effects
of the Spirit of God.' The casuistical divines of the first
post-Reformation age were faced with difficulties in connection
with the definition of Faith that was currently accepted among
them. They were also involved in controversial difficulties
in connection with the controversy with Rome which was the the
live issue for the Reformed Churches. These two classes of difficulties
told in the direction of compelling a more carefully guarded |
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statement as to what the faith of the
Gospel is. The Reformed ministers, as pastors, met with cases
of sincere Christians, who might be even the most serious people
of their charge, who were in great distress as to their assurance
of grace and salvation, because they could not claim to have
the abiding persuasion that Christ was indeed theirs-in keeping
with the accepted Protestant teaching which made assurance of
this, part and parcel of saving faith. They felt in dealing
with such cases that their definition went too far and was proving
a stumbling block to many of their most worthy hearers. These
were sometimes on the brink 0f despair because their conscience
told them that they did not have this confident persuasion at
all times that Christ was their Saviour indeed.
The difficulties that thus emerged in the practical life of
the Churches conspired with the difficulties from the side of
the Roman controversy to bring about an adjustment of the accepted
definition of the grace of faith. The Church of Rome did not
deny assurance to the Reformers but they maintained that it
could not be enjoyed with a divine certainty of faith, apart
from the testimony 0f the Church or a special heavenly revelation.
Bellarmine puts the question at issue between the two parties
in this way Whether anyone without a special revelation ought
to be or can be certain with the certitude of a divine faith
in which a false element can by no means be found, that his
sins are forgiven."' In opposition to the Romanist view, the
Reformers affirmed their possession of assurance of forgiveness
with a divine certainty, as the normal attainment
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of all true believers. This assurance
they regarded as an essential of justifying faith and it was
constantly repeated by them in their teaching though not embodied
in the most important Confessions. Later on, many theologians
felt that they had been driven by the controversy into a rather
extreme position. It was even going beyond the warrant of Scripture
to pronounce saving faith as essentially including a conviction
that the believer' own sins are forgiven. A more guarded statement
on the subject is to be found in Davidson's alternate definition"
Or after this manner it is the hearty receiving of Christ offered
in the preaching of the Word and sacraments by the working of
the HOW Spirit, for the remission of sins, whereby he becomes
one with us and we are with him, he our head and we his members."
This alternative, as has been indicated, is not a strict equivalent
of the first statement but it lends itself to bite carefully
guarded statement of the Westminster divines-" This infallible
assurance doth not so belong to the essence of faith, but that
a true believer may wait long and conflict with many difficulties,
before he be partaker ofit."2 If Davidson gives his alternative
of set purpose as a definition that was not strictly equivalent
to hi~ first one, he is working along the same line as William
Perkins the Elizabethan divine,
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who from Cambridge wielded such influence
among the doctrinal Puritans of the Church of England. For Perkins
in his Catechism explains the grace of Faith to be " a wonderful
grace of God by which a man doth apprehend and apply Christ
and all His benefits unto himself". This is in full keeping
with the more mature seventeenth century definition. But in
the same Catechism he says also, " This applying is done by
Assurance when a man Is verily persuaded by the Holy Spirit
of God's favour towards himself particularly and of the forgiveness
of his own sins." Another of the same school, John Rogers of
Dedhan}, has a similar description of faith. His words arc,
" Faith is a particular persuasion of my heart that Christ is
mine and that I shall have life and salvation by His means;
that whatever Christ did for the redemption of mankind, He did
it for me."' It is easy to see how Boston in his exposition
and defence of the Marrow doctrine, should appeal to statements
of this kind, and in keeping with the teaching of his school,
should affirm that this persuasion is a persuasion of the truth
that in the Gospel Christ is freely given to me to be received.
The assurance that he and his fellows taught as essential to
saving faith is not the assurance that I have believed but the
assurance that Christ is given me in the Gospel. The assurance
of personal salvation comes only when there is the confident
persuasion that I the sinner have received the Christ who is
thus so freely offered and to whom I am so welcome.
The second statement that Davidson makes is accurate as an exhibition
of what was, from the
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a Popish ceremonie, or lost time ". The
forms are not obligatory on anyone so long as some kind of thanksgiving
at meals is reverently offered to God, not merely by children
or servants, but by the whole household, for the chiefest is
unworthie enough to praise God's halie Maiestie Then follow
the ten commandments and excellent Scottish versions of metrical
Psalms cxxx and civil. with a final ascription of praise.
That this work of Davidson's met with great commendation can
be gathered from the testimonies of two "learned men " in a
note to the author, which are printed in its various editions.
(i) " I thank God for your precious pearle little in quantitie
but infinite in weight. I allow and approves the perspicuitie,
ordour, and substantious comprising of so great mysteries in
little bounds." (2) There is not an idle word heir." To these
eulogies the author adds the following modest words of his own.
' If anything be wrong heir, it is of weaknesse, and not of
willfulness and therefore is humbly submitted to the loving
and advised correction of the godlie learned, by God's Worde."
In the year 1908 Davidson's Catechism was reprinted by Mr. William
Jameson, Professor of Ristory at the University of Glasgow.
This edition is of special interest and value because of its
introduction or preface, which is entitled " A Discourse Giving
an Account of the Occasion of this Impression &C~" The title
page says that it also contains several things useful for determining
of the Spiscopal Controversy". After paying tribute to Davidson
as a man of great piety and singular enduements, and
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indicating how the Catechism was first
compiled for " babes and rude novices " in the author's own
parish, Jameson proceeds to narrate why the present reprinting
of the work had become a pressing necessity. A signal injury
at once to Truth and to the memory of the author had been done
by an Episcopal minister, Mr. Robert Calder, in his Vindication
of a sermon he had preached on January 10th, 1703. He alleged
therein that Davidson, toward the close of his life, recanted
from his Presbyterianism and embraced Episcopacy. " Mr. Davidson,"
he declared, "in a Catechism, dedicated to his own Parish, the
Panns, has a small tractate at the end of that Catechism which
he calls The Burthen of a Loaded Conscience, in which he confesses
and bewails the several failings and follies of his youth, manhood
and ministry an4 gives many good instructions to all the readers
of his book, as to religion and Loyalty; And as to Episcopacy
he has these very words, Be obedient to Archbishops and Bishops,
and stand not out against then as I have wickedly done." Professor
Jameson replies in most effective terms to this indictment which
is so ludicrous in the light of Davidson's consistently uncompromising
attitude to prelacy. To begin with, lie is convinced that the
whole thing is a manifest forgery and he is confirmed in that
view by Calder's excuses and subterfuge, when asked repeatedly
to produce the book with the recantation in it. " There is,"
he says, no such thing as he alleges, no such Tractate, either
at the end or anywhere else." There must be, he feels sure,
in the breast of every honest and reasonable man, at least a
strong justified suspicion, if not a firm persuasion,
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that never one jot of what Calder attributes
to Davidson came from that good man's pen. Calder must have
known the pretended quotation to be mere forgery to the syllable
A further argument against the possibility of such a recantation
is found in Davidson's record of service to the Church. No one
examining that, says Jameson, could credit such a story. He
was among the first who spied the Hierarchies Bishops creeping
into our Church under the name of Ecclesiastical Voters in Parliament,
and with all Christian vigor and fortitude endeavoured stilt
to block up their passage." Besides there were his Protestations
in the presence of the King, at Edinburgh in 1596 and at Dundee
in 1598, and also his letters to the Dundee Assembly of 1597
and that at Burntisland in 1601. These he would never acknowledge
to have been in error even when, in later years, he could have
obtained his release from confinement to his own parish.
Again, Jameson employs a negative but, as he calls it, an irrefragable
proof; namely the silence of all the prelatical authors on the
subject. quite convincingly he argues that Spottiswood, for
example, could not have been ignorant of such a public tation
of so famous an adversary of prelacy. If he had known of it,
would he have failed to set it down at full length and erect
his trophies upon it ? " From all we know of the Bishop's predilections
and of his attitude to Davidson we can well believe that he
would have gloated over such a piece of information had it been
4n his possession and well founded. Jameson is inclined to think
that even if Calder had seen such a tractate as he spoke of;
he must have been imposed
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on by some late spurious piece of writing wherewith its author
had designed to cheat mankind. Wodrow regards this view as a
very charitable conjecture and considers Calder as being quite
unworthy of it, and this seems the wiser verdict. The Episcopalian
cannot be excused in any way from palming upon the world, so
foolishly and maliciously, a story which he was not able to
substantiate, and from citing a tractate which evidently did
not exist and which certainly he was unable to produce.
In an addition to his prefixed discourse, Professor Jameson
refers in glowing terms to the esteem in which Mr. John Davidson
had been held by Scottish Presbyterians generally and by his
own people at Salt-preston particularly. He finds a fresh argument
for his abiding Presbyterianism in the way in which his memory
was revered, as manifested in writings, discourses and other
directions. The more zealous the Presbyterians were, the greater
was the warmth of their affection to his memory-" highly honouring
him as a choice servant of Christ and a chief champion and sufferer
for Presbytery." In view of all that, the Professor asks a very
pertinent question. Would it have been likely that these people
would have so honoured him long after his death and passed on
his name from father to son with affection and reverence, if
he had told to the world that it was a wicked thing to stand
against Archbishops and Bishops ? The thing is incredible. Truly,
" no man of judgment will believe it, no man of honour affirm
it ". It is, however, in keeping with the ordinary practice
of the defenders of prelacy in Scotland at that time. |
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It is interesting to note that Wodrow' supplies another line
of reply to Calder. It may be described as a double nature and
concerns another work evidently written by Davidson although
never printed. Perhaps it was part of his History, referred
to by himself in a letter to the King in 1603. Row,2 who calls
Davidson one of the constant opposers of Prelacy " says that
a little before his death he penned a treatise, Dc Hostibus
Feclesiac Christi wherein he affirmed that the erecting of Bishops
in the Kirk of Scotland was the most subtle and prevalent means
to destroy and overthrow religion that ever could have been
devised, which they who lived to see its effects would readily
grant. Spottiswood,3 in a sermon at a visitation of Kinghorn
in 1622, the Presbytery of St. Andrews being present, made mention
of the same work, whose author, he declared, was the maddest
man he ever knew. He said that in it Davidson brought in the
King last as the greatest enemy of all, and that he presented
the book to the King, who, after he had read it, cut it in pieces
and burned it. The latter part of this story would need a better
authorit than that of the Bishop, yet his reference to Davidson
in such terms so long after the Reformer's death is another
proof if such were required, that the story of his recantation
is utterly unfounded.
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